JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 119 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 49B02333
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
7 Participatory culture: mobility,
interactivity and identity
Matt Hills
Digital culture has undoubted already impacted in a variety of ways on contemporary
life, but one of the increasingly significant developments it has ushered in relates to
mediated communication ‘on the move’. Of course, as with many so-called New
Media developments, this is not something wholly new; ‘old media’ such as analogue
radio has been handily portable for decades, and the Walkman personal stereo
became a massively popular analogue device, in the 1980s, for privately listening to
recorded cassette tapes in public space (see Chapter 6). Despite these sorts of
precursor, it can nevertheless be argued that digital, mobile media does indeed offer a
series of distinctively portable possibilities.
First and foremost is the fact that ‘computer-mediated communication’ (CMC),
can now be utilized in ever-more mobile forms. Emails can be accessed and read while
users of BlackBerries or similar devices are out and about, and wireless or ‘wi-fi’
broadband coverage is becoming increasingly commonplace, at least in urban areas of
high population density in the Western world. Computers, telephones, photographic
media, even television and video: the long-held concept of ‘media convergence’ is
finally beginning to see fruition within consumer culture, and it is in the arena of
mobile media where the interfaces and intersections of different media technologies
are perhaps most visible. However, as Henry Jenkins has pointed out, convergence is
not merely the bundling together, in one device or delivery mechanism, of different
strands of media type of content:
Convergence does not depend on any specific delivery mechanism. Rather,
convergence represents a paradigm shift – a move from medium-specific
content to content that flows across multiple media channels, toward the
increased interdependence of communications systems, toward multiple
ways of accessing media content, and toward ever more complex relations
between top-down corporate media and bottom-up participatory culture.
(Jenkins 2006a: 243)
Convergence, in this sense, is more about ‘multi-platforming’, where media
texts and audiences perhaps start to move almost seamlessly across different plat-
forms such as television, online on-demand radio, podcasts, user-generated content,
digital video, and so on. One of the especially intriguing things with ‘nomadic’ or
‘mobile’ communications is that the very concept itself has therefore become
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 119
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 120 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5195A1C7
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
somewhat amorphous. Given that some information and communication technology
(ICT) users and consumers may be accessing the same services (the web, even
television and radio) via mobile, wireless devices, while others may be accessing these
through (in practice) fixed-point desktop terminals in the home or workplace, or even
old-fashioned television sets dealing with digital television signals, then how can we
start to delimit the range and scope of ‘mobile’ media? Is blogging, for example,
something done sitting at a desk, or something done in situ, perhaps out on the street,
standing in a doorway with a lightweight notebook and a borrowed wireless network?
(see Gillmor 2006).
Nomadic communication
Dealing with something like the mobile phone may seem the clearest option, but I
would argue that it is the fuzzy edges of ‘mobile’ media, where networks and services
previously thought of as ‘static’ are now becoming increasingly accessible on the
move, where we can learn more about the possibilities of ‘nomadic’ communications
in digital culture. Furthermore, ‘mobile’ media are not always something distinct
from ‘fixed-point’ digital media; increasingly, mobile digital devices – mobile phones,
camera phones, iPods and the like – have been techno-culturally defined as symbiotic
with consumer ‘hub’ personal computers (PCs) or laptops through which digital
content libraries are archived/backed-up, and through which images and captured
video are uploaded to the web to be shared via social networking sites. Again, there
are very fuzzy edges around the ‘mobile’ or the ‘nomadic’ here, as many of these
technologies call for, or incite, the ‘bringing home’ of ported, portable digital data to
a central – possibly fixed – PC, conceptualized as the ‘storage’ space or archive for
files. As such, mobile digital media needs to be seen as defined in interaction and
interrelationship with less self-evidently portable ICTs.
How, then, have digital communications devices begun to shift our experiences
and uses of the media towards the nomadic? Here, I introduce three significant
changes:
1 the move away from conceptualizing ‘mobile’ media as something belong-
ing to ‘public’ rather than ‘private’ space (‘nomadic’ communications may
now find their mobility within domestic space rather than outside it, or in
opposition to ‘home’ territories);
2 the volume of media ‘content’ that mobile devices such as MP3 or MP4
players can now routinely handle on demand, and outcomes related to this
factor;
3 the possibilities for self-expression and articulations of self-identity offered
by ‘nomadic’ digital media.
(Marshall 2004)
In short, these three areas of interest could be summed up as interrogating the
‘where’, the ‘what’ and the ‘who’ of digital mobile media. Along with, and threaded
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
108 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 120
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 121 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5E92F6D8
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
through, thinking about these issues, I also want to flag up some of the critiques that
have been made of emergent mobile digital cultures. These concerns relate partly to
the ‘always-on’ nature of specific devices and networks (Middleton 2007) – that is
that lines between ‘work’ and ‘private life’ may be eroded – and partly to the use of
digital communications technology in controversial youth-cultural practices such as
the posting online of ‘happy slapping’ videos (Nightingale 2007). As with many
previous ‘new’ media, mobile digital devices (e.g. camera phones) have been partly
interpreted as challenging old systems of power and regulation, hence allowing youth
subcultures to engage in activities thought of as threatening to the social order.
Though it may not be in any way possible to construct a ‘balance sheet’ of cultural
developments, pros and con, in this area, it does remain important not to fall into
premature cultural celebration or condemnation. Digital culture is never simply ‘one
thing’ which can be monolithically assessed as a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ series of practices, and
it is also fast-moving and flexible. For example, there is a fair chance that by the time
this discussion sees print, it may already have been partly superseded by further
media technological developments. Perhaps digital culture extends ‘planned obsoles-
cence’ and the notion of constant ‘upgrading’ into habitual patterns of consumption
and self-conceptualization, even in the world of academic commentary.
The where, what and who of digital
mobile communications
Rather more traditionally, ‘mobile’ media have been thought of in a specific way as
devices which offer mobility outside the home, rather than forming part of a domestic
media set-up. Indeed, in this sense, ‘mobile’ media can be said to be about taking a
sense of the home(ly) out into the cultural world. This meaning is emphasized in
Raymond Williams’s infamous account:
I can’t find an ordinary term for it, which is why I have to call it one of the
ugliest phrases I know: ‘mobile privatisation’. It is private. It involves a good
deal of evident consumption. Much of it centred on the home itself. The
dwelling place. At the same time it is not a retreating privatisation, of a
deprived kind, because what it especially confers is an unexampled mobil-
ity … It is a shell you can take with you.
(Williams 1977: 171 cited in Bull 2000: 179)
The ‘shell … you take with you’ is ‘centred on the home’ but it is not inevitably
in the home; it takes the familiar, or a seemingly protective layer of it, out into
unfamiliar public space. This is one of the main arguments in Michael Bull’s excellent
study of personal stereo usage, that Walkmans – and latterly iPods, we might hazard –
enable users to ‘mediate the “other” ’ in terms of their own narcissistically oriented
intention (see Chapter 6). The description of this experience might be described as
‘culturally solipsistic travelling’ (Bull 2000: 181). Like Williams’s ‘mobile privatiza-
tion’, this is a depiction of a culture of blocking-out, with the screening-out or
sounding-out of urban space and its others amounting very nearly to ‘a state of
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
PARTICIPATORY CULTURE: MOBILITY, INTERACTIVITY AND IDENTITY 109
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 121
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 122 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 60C11533
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
cultural autism’ (Bull 2000: 181) for its headphone- or earphone-wearing consumers.
By taking familiar audiovisual content with them, users can arguably retreat, within
public spaces, into their own (semi-)private realms of familiar media consumption.
Multi-modal, multimedia consumption is, in this style of account, freed from its more
usual domestic terrain: ‘Internet-enriched media consumption is no longer fixed in a
domestic environment, … media suffuse and permeate daily life and many of us are
increasingly “multi-taskers”’ (Talbot 2007: 172).
However, this extension of ‘the private’ into public space has not always been
viewed negatively, with David Jennings instead suggesting that although (2007); (see
also Jenkins 2002 and 2006a: 244–5; Lévy 1997):
The increasing ubiquity of portable devices that absorb people’s attention in
public spaces may create the impression of a population retreating into
cocoons … with the spread of inexpensive wireless networks, these devices
are sprouting more social features that encourage sharing and communicat-
ing between people, bringing them together rather than keeping them apart.
(Jennings 2007: 179–80)
Regardless of positive or negative commentary, what these scholarly accounts
share is the basic assumption that nomadic communications are centred around types
of ‘mobile privatization’, whether this is a ‘screening-out’ of the unfamiliar, or an
extension of contact with one’s pre-existent social networks. The ‘private’ is thereby
carried out, or along with, the ‘public’ self. What interests me in this context is the
possibility that so-called ‘nomadic’ digital communications may actually now have
moved beyond ‘mobile privatization’ and into its reverse; ‘private mobilization’, if
you like, whereby ‘public’ spaces are brought – with wireless network mobility – into
the home. In other words, rather than ‘home’ constituting a fixed point or ‘base’ that
is bounded and set apart from the cultural world, domestic spaces enabled with wi-fi
broadband are now increasingly not just pervaded by multiple media flows and
multiple social networks; they are also targeted as consumer spaces for a range of
wireless technologies. ‘Mobile’ technology is hence arguably just as present within
the home as it is outside it. And here, ‘mobility’ or ‘nomadism’ may be about being
able to move from room to room with a wi-fi networked laptop or music player, as
well as different occupants of the domestic space having their mobile phones to
hand.
The assumption that ‘mobile communication = mobility in public space’ is thus
only part of the story here. Mobility can also mean mobility of ICT devices and
network access points around the home, thus deconstructing the old-school opposi-
tion between ‘fixed’/cabled domestic media technologies – the television at the
hearth of the household – and ‘mobile’ personal devices which cross over into public
space. ‘Private’ media consumption and communications technology is itself increas-
ingly unanchored from fixed spaces within the home, capable of being ‘ported’ or
carried from living room to study to bedroom. These may seem like relatively trivial
and micro-level versions of mobility, undeserving of the label of ‘nomadic’ commu-
nication, but I would argue that such wanderings and trajectories nevertheless form
part of a shifting media ecology and cultural anthropology in which arenas and
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
110 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 122
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 123 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5DB54003
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
contexts of cultural life that have conventionally been separable – home/school,
home/work, family/friends – can all now begin to communicatively interpenetrate
and intersect in complex but possibly newly routinized ways. As has been observed,
there’s ‘a need … to ask “what’s new for society about the New Media?” rather than
simply “what are the New Media?” ’ (Flew 2002: 10).
For example, one of the early cultural anxieties about mobile telephony was
that it would render users open to mechanisms of surveillance and contactability at
all times, blurring cultural categories of public/private in new ways:
the mobile works ambivalently, rendering the subject available within
networks of emotional support and contact, but also opening up the
continued possibility of critical scrutiny and surveillance … The ‘object
weight of communication’ implied by the mobile has to be read through the
individual’s psychological projections of its significance. The mobile can play
the part of a technological injunction … as much as a technological conjunc-
tion.
(Sussex Technology Group 2001: 220)
And though mobile communications have now moved towards increasingly
multi-modal and multimedia data streams (Cranny-Francis 2005: 56), some of these
anxieties have remained culturally consistent. Catherine A. Middleton has carried out
interesting ethnographic work on Canadians’ use of BlackBerries, PDA-style devices
with miniature keyboards which enable users to access and respond to email while
they are on the go:
The BlackBerry does give its users a mechanism to exert control over the
management of daily communication tasks, but by virtue of its always-on,
always-connected nature, it also reinforces cultures that expect people to be
accessible outside normal business hours. Rather than just a tool of liberation
for its users, the BlackBerry can also be understood as an artefact that reflects
and perpetuates organizational cultures in which individual employees have
little control and influence.
(Middleton 2007: 165)
Middleton’s conclusion is that ‘BlackBerries are loved by their users yet fre-
quently loathed by their users’ closest friends and relations’, precisely because use of
these mobile devices tends to be tied into organizational cultures that ‘reinforce
overwork and promote unrealistic expectations for employee engagement in their
jobs’ (Middleton 2007: 175). Any notion of work/life balance is eroded here, as the
potential reach of employers’/work issues extends into leisure time and the domestic
sphere, possibly even being reinforced as an expectation or requirement of the work
culture concerned. Far from being a version of ‘mobile privatization’ where the
home(ly) is carried ‘like a shell’ of meaning and identity into the outside world, this
scenario is one of intrusion into the domestic, or what I would call the ‘private
mobilization’ of work cultures which threatens to deconstruct work/leisure and
public/private binaries from the outside in. As such, cultural concerns about ‘con-
tactability’ which surrounded the mobile phone during its widespread consumer
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
PARTICIPATORY CULTURE: MOBILITY, INTERACTIVITY AND IDENTITY 111
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 123
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 124 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 54895145
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
adoption may now have been partly relocated around always-on email account
access, and the cultural labour expectations surrounding this. Far from ‘nomadic’
communications necessarily being liberating for consumers, they may be restricting
for some workers, who become unable to move beyond the range or reach of work
communications. Again, we can see a version of the celebratory/condemnatory
matrix here, with mobile digital media being linked to specific critical discourses that
it is important to continue to bear in mind.
Though I have begun with the ‘where’ of digital mobile media, and its cultural
ramifications, it is not really possible to separate this out from the ‘what’ and the
‘who’ of digital culture, and hence these can only really remain analytical, structuring
devices. Given that proviso, I now move on to briefly focus more centrally on the
issue of media content. Henry Jenkins has argued that one device has become a
near-totemic object in discussions of digital culture, but in a way that is related to
changes in the delivery and experiencing of digitized content:
The video iPod seems emblematic of the new convergence culture – not
because everyone believes the small screen of the iPod is the ideal vehicle for
watching broadcast content but because the ability to download reruns on
demand represents a major shift in the relationship between consumers and
media content.
(Jenkins 2006a: 253)
Now dubbed the ‘iPod classic’ by Apple, in order to differentiate it from the
touchscreen and wi-fi enabled ‘iPod Touch’, this emblem of convergence culture has
largely achieved such status – issues of design aesthetic aside – by virtue of
popularizing the personal downloading and organizing of music/video ‘libraries’ of
digital files. Though we might assume the analogue personal stereo to be highly
reminiscent in usage to the iPod – both are music-listening devices complete with
headphones – there are significant differences. Of the Walkman, Michael Bull’s study
noted that:
many users have special tapes containing music only listened to on their
personal stereo. This music might have some personal association for them
functioning as an ‘auditory mnemonic’ or alternatively might merely put
them in the desired mood for the journey or day ahead … The metaphor of
keeping ‘on track’ is instructive as it indicates a joining together of mood and
duration … [which] reduces the contingency of the relationship between
desired mood and time.
(Bull 2000: 19)
However, because of storage limitations with old analogue Walkmans, users
either had to carry a few relatively bulky tapes with them, or plan out in advance
what music they were likely to want to listen to while they were on the go. Managing
mood, by linking types of music to types of journey (to/from work), meant that
Walkman users typically were required to assess, in advance, what particular music
they would want to make use of. Not having the ‘right’ tape to play resulted in the
personal stereo being deemed useless or ‘dysfunctional’ (Bull 2000: 20). By contrast,
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
112 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 124
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 125 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 598DA386
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
the storage capacity of iPods – now often comparable to laptop hard drives – means
that users can carry their entire music collections/libraries with them. Ipods enable the
portability of vastly more information than seemingly comparable analogue devices,
and, of course, with the arrival of the video iPod, such devices became multimedia/
multi-modal.
Storing whole media collections of content that can be accessed portably and
on demand; this is one of the key shifts and developments of digital culture. Users of
the ‘iPod classic’ can watch television content on the iPod’s smallish screen, whether
this content is recorded from digital television or a series of files downloaded over the
Internet. And they can organize or customize this content in a variety of ways by
‘tagging’ it with specific categories:
There may also be more spontaneity in the way that we build and use our
collections of music and other media in the digital age … We won’t need to
think of music simply in terms of artist and album title, or of film and
television solely in terms of lead actors and genre. Instead, we’ll be able to
choose among a much wider range of organizing factors, from mood to date
of release.
(Jennings 2007: 81–3)
In this context, media content is no longer schedule-led, nor even necessarily
organized by conventional genres, given that individual users can customize the
music/media categories within their ‘libraries’. Digital culture is, significantly, a
culture of ‘on-demand’ access to content; whether paid for or shared peer-to-peer,
users expect to be able to access media content when they want to and where they
want to, being bound neither to broadcast times (and places), nor in some cases to
official release dates/in-store availabilities (in instances where music tracks are leaked,
pre-release, to the Internet).
By rendering massive quantities of media content portable in almost credit-card
size devices, objects such as the iPod have radically altered what it means to be a
media consumer in the twenty-first century. As P. David Marshall has commented:
the digital media form is … what I would describe as indiscrete as opposed to
the more discrete and defined commodities – films, television programs,
albums – that the media industry has produced in the past. … the technol-
ogy … hails us quite differently than a television program or film.
(Marshall 2006: 637)
That is, ‘old media’ content is transmitted to consumers as finished, fixed
‘products’ requiring the consumer to participate in the audience identity of watching
at specific times/spaces. Digital media culture does not fix media products in quite the
same way; consumers can download specific tracks, for example, rather than having
to acquire predetermined ‘albums’ of music (Flew 2002: 110). They can also choose
the time and place of media consumption, perhaps only downloading and beginning
to watch a television series when they know in advance of committing time to it that
its narrative reaches a form of conclusion, or that a specific number of episodes/series
have already been produced. Television and film hail the consumer as an object to be
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
PARTICIPATORY CULTURE: MOBILITY, INTERACTIVITY AND IDENTITY 113
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 125
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 126 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5A0888AF
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
recruited; digital culture tends to hail consumers of its media content as co-marketers
(Murray 2004: 21) or even ‘brand evangelists’. According to Derek Johnson:
Steven Johnson … describes fans’ cross-platform engagement with Lost [a TV
show available through iTunes – MH] as evangelism, where the multiplat-
formed experiences and discoveries of a minoritarian hardcore audience
work to interest greater numbers of viewers. … While in the later 1990s
online content was seen as a ‘magnet’ for attracting fans … the multiplat-
forming practices of the twenty-first century were conceived as means to
make fans into magnets for building viewership.
(Johnson 2007: 68)
Despite these changes, and the seeming encouragement of consumer interac-
tion along with the rise in the nomadic audiences’ ‘power’ over when and where to
consume media texts, Mary Talbot has cautioned against doing away with models of
media power, noting that ‘receiving “officially approved messages” in podcasts is no
different from receiving them in other formats’ (Talbot 2007: 173). And Derek
Johnson’s (2007) analysis of digital television/multi-platform audiences similarly
recognizes the need not to overstate increases in audience ‘power’, thereby retaining a
critical focus on how media producers continue to attempt to manage what are
deemed industrially acceptable forms of audience activity.
Digital media content which can now be readily accessed and consumed via
mobile, portable devices are not, of course, restricted to commercial music and
film/television. A further way in which digital media culture has evolved is towards
not just content that can be customized/collected by consumers, but also towards the
increased creation of user-generated content. This user-generated content (UGC) can
be camera phone images (see Gye 2007) or captured digital video which once taken
on a portable, personal device can then be uploaded to the web and shared at sites
such as YouTube:
By mid-2005 … the moral concern associated with camera phones shifted …
to the moral outrage occasioned by the British phenomenon of ‘happy
slapping’ … this panic inadvertently confirmed the entertainment value that
could be extracted from the online sharing of camera phone videos and
images. … The giant corporations of cyberspace – News Limited, Yahoo!,
Microsoft, Google – all reacted to the perceived potential commercial value
of social networking and its capacity to attract user-generated content as
entertainment.
(Nightingale 2007: 290)
In her analysis of this situation, Virginia Nightingale suggests that the ‘mobility
of the camera phone increases the likelihood that it will be used for controversial
purposes’ (2007: 291). ‘Happy slapping’ has been just one example of such contro-
versy; this is the term given to attacks on members of the public by camera
phone-toting youngsters who then video these incidents and post the recordings
online. Innocent bystanders can thus become the targets of humiliating online
footage, and though this may be thought of as a minor infringement or prank, it can
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
114 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 126
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 127 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5D6687B6
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
also be thought of as a new type of mediation-led criminal activity; attacks on people
in public space, motivated largely by the desire to digitally film and upload such
exploits to online user communities. As Nightingale points out:
the online user community is routinely expected to share the burden of site
surveillance. … advertisers are attracted to the … interest that the presence of
controversial material generates, but cannot risk their products being linked
to content that might damage brand images.
(Nightingale 2007: 291)
The increasing integration of mobile image-making technology into everyday
life has thus not been without its flash points and moral panics, and again not
without critical commentaries. But looking beyond these headlines and spectacular
transgressions, the rise in online sharing of UGC derived from mobile digital camera
(phone)s suggests that digital culture will continue to see a far wider range of media
content providers and generators than ever before.
Having said that, though, major media corporations, established brands and key
players are all highly likely to retain their positions of professional power. UGC tends
to lack markers of media professionalism, often being relatively low-resolution,
non-broadcast-quality digital ‘reality footage’. However, this ‘guerilla’ or ‘under-
ground’ media-making does carry values and connotations of rebellious authenticity,
as opposed to the professional, high-gloss values of the media mainstream. And UGC
taken from camera phone images has found a place within the era of twenty-four-
hour rolling live news, with broadcasters such as the BBC’s News 24 willing to use
relatively low-resolution digital coverage from members of the public who have
witnessed natural disasters, freak weather conditions, and so on (see Chapter 3).
If mobile digital communications technology has facilitated an expansion in
sources of media content (one of the ‘whats’ of nomadic/mobile communication), as
well as allowing audiences to access content in new ways and increasingly on their
own terms (the ‘where’), then it has also posed new possibilities for the ‘who’ of
media culture, or the articulation of self-identity via:
an increasing desire to personalize media. This personalization is enacted
further through the use of iPods and MP3 players that allow individuals to
download and then program their playlists and thereby eliminate the
mediating of broadcast radio. The rapid expansion of mobile phones, PDAs
and Blackberries, with a variety of features including cameras, downloadable
ringtones, different skins to accessorize their look … further underlines how
New Media personalizes one’s media use and environment.
(Marshall 2006: 638)
This personalization, or cultural process of individualization, suggests that
digital culture from mobile telephony onwards into iPod use, and beyond, has been
powerfully linked to forms of self-identity, self-expression and self-display (see below).
P. David Marshall argues that media representations – images of others and social/
cultural groups – have begun to be displaced in the cultural imaginary by ‘New Media
forms of presentation’ (Marshall 2006: 644). People are beginning to routinely
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
PARTICIPATORY CULTURE: MOBILITY, INTERACTIVITY AND IDENTITY 115
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 127
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 128 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 5DBE1C79
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
produce and consume images of themselves, whether these are created as profile
images for social networking sites, as avatars, or within practices of personal digital
photography. And though it may be assumed that different generations of New Media
users are more or less comfortable with these developments, it can no longer be
assumed that mobile digital media are limited only to the young. In such a context,
self-identity is not only presented and displayed through the embodied self, and
attention needs to be paid to ‘the ways in which individuals present, or construct,
their identities [online via] … the aesthetics and construction methods of … “brico-
lage” ’ (Lister et al. 2003: 246).
Certainly, such processes of self-presentation are evidently not only an outcome
of mobile digital media, and a massive body of scholarly work has analysed these
shifts in relation to cyberculture more widely. But it can certainly be argued that the
rise in consumer take-up of mobile digital media has accelerated and contributed to
these cultural patterns. One further emblem of this process, other than the video iPod
mentioned by Jenkins (2006a), is the way in which mobile telephones have become
multimedia devices working ‘not simply as communicative conduits but also as
“handy” or pocket containers of data, media content, photo archives and secure
microworlds’ (Richardson 2007: 205). As micro-worlds of the self, current mobiles
promise much more than merely ways of texting, emailing or speaking to social
contacts or loved ones. They may proffer possibilities of nomadic communication,
but they also work to mirror and secure the self-identities of their owners thanks to
stored media content, phonebooks and saved texts. Akin to the proverbial yuppies’
filofax of the 1980s – a bound paper file in which allegedly all crucial information
about the owner’s life and social world could be kept – mobile phones have become
culturally and ideologically loaded objects, made to ontologically secure and carry
presentations of self-identity. There is an irony or possible paradox here. The
proliferating range of devices aimed at liberating consumers from the fixed places and
times of older analogue media have, perhaps, ended up reinforcing and fixing
presentations of self-identity through their customizable, multimedia and data-
storage capacities. But versions of Raymond Williams’s ‘mobile privatization’, the
extending of ‘private’ self-identities and consumer tastes/images into public spaces,
have also met their match through what I have termed ‘private mobilizations’ of work
culture, and the erosion of cultural boundaries between public and private from the
outside in, as well from the inside out.
Recommended reading
Flew, Terry (2002) New Media: An Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jenkins, Henry (2002) Interactive Audiences? in D. Harries (ed.) The New Media Book,
pp. 157–70. London: British Film Institute.
Jenkins, Henry, (2006) Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New
York and London: New York University Press.
Jennings, David (2007) Net, Blogs and Rock ’N’ Roll. London and Boston: Nicholas
Brealey Publishing.
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
116 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 128
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 129 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 4B0AAB58
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
Case Study: Social networking
and self-identity
Matt Hills
In the preceding chapter I noted that ‘nomadic’ digital media tend to be defined in
symbiotic relationship to fixed-point PCs thought of as storage or uploading centres.
Of course, this situation may well change as portable devices are able to carry more
and more data as well as being wi-fi-enabled themselves (like the iPod Touch,
although this is currently not blessed with much in the way of data storage). The
current situation means that services and sites thought of as culturally significant
within mobile digital culture – YouTube or Flickr, for example – can involve the
uploading of digital files which are captured on the move, but which may then be
posted online through (relatively) fixed-point PCs. And social networking sites such
as Facebook might also, similarly, involve the sharing of digital images taken on
camera phones or dedicated digital cameras, which may then be uploaded and
accessed through a variety of less portable/nomadic PCs.
However, it is interrelated to home and work PCs, the rise in digital mobile
media has arguably had a major impact on concepts of self-identity for generations of
devoted users – not just college students – and it is this issue that I want to zero in on
in more detail here. P. David Marshall has noted that:
among American University students the pervasive use of Facebook.com and
Myspace.com is remarkable. These sites are organized to connect friends, but
also provide techniques for checking out others. … These kinds of sites
describe the wider proliferation of the presentation of the self.
(Marshall 2006: 639)
University students may be able to access such sites through fixed-point
university networks, but given that Facebook is no longer restricted to those with
education-based email addresses, its potential constituency is massive, with users’
primary access points now becoming potentially mobile, as well as being based within
the home (some workplaces have begun to block access, however, given fears over lost
worker productivity). The site began life as a US phenomenon largely limited to
college students, a cultural space which Victor Burgin has argued is and was especially
liminal, being particularly linked to experiments with identity, and hence to forms of
narcissism:
American colleges still actively cultivate a familial atmosphere. The dormi-
tory room is a transitional space. It lies between the primitive space of
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 129
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 130 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 58360BE7
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
infantile omnipotence under maternal protection and the adult space of civil
society … For [object-relations psychoanalyst] Winnicott, ‘this area of play-
ing is not inner psychic reality. It is outside the individual, but it is not the
external world’. What better description could we have of the space of the
Internet?
(Burgin 2004: 51–2)
For Burgin, the US college system is one which liminally acts between ‘child’
and ‘adult’ identities, being precisely transitional, and thus combining elements of
play, child-like assumed omnipotence and adult responsibility. His perhaps rather
overblown conclusion is that the Internet, in sum total, corresponds to this state of
playfulness and liminality between reality and fantasy. A more measured conclusion –
though even then, one which may be prone to overgeneralization – would be to view
the early rise of Facebook as linked to these cultural meanings and processes of
transition; adopted by a generation of users placed at similar stages in the life course,
collectively on the cusp of cultural categories of child/adult, Facebook would seem to
offer the possibility for identity play and experimentation as a potentially narcissistic
vehicle for one’s visibility to others:
We must be careful … not to lose sight of genuinely new modes of identity
play in networked media. Indeed, in some ways cyberculture does not so
much ignore ‘lived experience’ as argue that we are more and more ‘living’ in
networks, a union of the immediate and the mediated.
(Lister et al. 2003: 254)
And while Facebook has been thought of most centrally, of course, in relation to
social networking, what this sometimes misses out is the extent to which Facebook
and its ilk, with their ‘union of the immediate and the mediated’, place a new-found
digital-cultural emphasis on the presentation of self. Such an emphasis typically
hinges on, and reinforces, the use of mobile digital media to capture and image
moments of self-expression, identity and play.
For example, one has a Facebook Profile picture along with a customizable
Profile space where all sorts of applications including ‘virtual bookshelves’ and ‘music
collections’ can be set up. Consumer taste is thus heavily foregrounded; friends can
rank and review movies, and gauge their compatibility with others’ interests.
Self-identity is explicitly made a matter of one’s assorted enthusiasms and fandoms.
But the self is not just presented through fan-consumer identities; given the centrality
of the Profile picture, users tend to update these frequently, and they become a short
hand for changing, up-to-the-minute performances of self. As Lisa Gye has argued of
personal camera phone use, by ‘reinforcing the intensely personal, camera phones
may also participate in this narrow economy of self’ (2007: 286). And the Facebook
Profile picture seems to form a part of this ‘narrow economy of self’; different
subgenres of picture have emerged, ranging from the ‘glamour’ shot in which the self
is seemingly auto-objectified for others and thought of as a type of ‘model’, to the
potentially resistant ‘quirky’ or non-representational picture where object correlatives
or abstract images stand in for the self.
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
118 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 130
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 131 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 513809E2
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
Profile pictures have also started to be thought of as corresponding to a type of
photographic opportunity while users are on the go or participating in offline social
events; for instance, on a summer break at the UK’s south coast in 2007, I
encountered young holidaymakers who were no longer posing simply for holiday
snaps; instead, they were self-reflexively and quite self-consciously ‘taking Facebook
Profile pictures’ on Brighton Pier. The fact that Facebook Profile pictures are thought
of as constituting a specific genre or mode of photo is evident from the fact that at
least some users have championed ‘Anti Profile’ pictures of themselves, that is, images
which are deliberately and knowingly less than ‘perfected’, posed and wholly
flattering shots.
Mobile digital technologies like personal photography and image-capture may
be culturally evolving not just towards the creation of UGC such as ‘reality’ footage
but also towards altered and increasingly ‘photographic’ conceptions of self-image. As
Lisa Gye observes, digital cameras and camera phones ‘are set to extend our way of
looking at the world photographically and in doing so bring changes to how we
understand ourselves’ (2007: 287).
The use of camera phones to generate images that commemorate and testify to
one’s presence at specific cultural events has also become a significant use of these
technologies, and gig-going, for example, has become a massively mediated cultural
ritual, as Chris Chesher has observed:
Once the U2 show itself started … people in the audience started using their
mobile phones in a different way [i.e. not to contact others in the audience –
MH]. They held them up, pointed them towards the stage, and began
recording the show as still images or video. … The sound is invariably
distorted, with the screams of nearby fans overriding the music. Videophones
therefore produce a cinema of convenience, not a deep relationship with the
moving image.
(Chesher 2007: 222)
But this ‘cinema of convenience’ or digital still-photography of the same status,
seems to be conceptualized, culturally, in the same way as Facebook profile pictures; it
is recorded via mobile devices precisely in order to be shared online as a marker of
one’s cultural taste, and one’s consumer status (‘I was there’). As Chesher goes on to
observe:
[I]n the weeks following the show, some of these phone and digital camera
images circulated further from the stadium … The images were available
most easily on the Internet, where photo-sharing sites … and video-sharing
sites … made these files and media streams available around the world.
(Chesher 2007: 222–3)
P. David Marshall argues that this concept of the self (and its activities) as a
series of images anticipating the scrutiny of online others leads to a new kind of
‘public privacy’ in which the self is constantly and narcissistically performed,
auto-objectified, for an imagined audience:
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
CASE STUDY: SOCIAL NETWORKING AND SELF-IDENTITY 119
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 131
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 132 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 54FD52E4
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
With photos and other personal details, Facebook and Myspace generate
public privacy into a new form of narcissism. This narcissism is actualized
through New Media and it is specifically modalized around a mediatized
version of the self: the representations of celebrity have now been liberated
to become the basis for the potential public presentation of the self.
(Marshall 2006: 639–40)
The proliferation of mobile digital media and communications technology
appears to have partially democratized image-making and media creation, but at the
same time it has arguably extended the cultural regimes of specific types of image
along with potentially narcissistic concepts of selfhood. Rather than interpreting the
U2 fans he considered ethnographically as narcissistically imaging themselves,
Chesher analyses this use of mobile image-making as a corrective to, or at least a
variant perspective on, the ‘professional’ image-making strategies surrounding live
rock concerts:
Many personal blogs featured images and reports on the shows … Someone
who was interested in the U2 show would get a very different impression
watching these clips by comparison with the professionally edited live
videos. They would see a fragmented composite of amateur images from
different positions, evidence of a multiplicity of experiences.
(Chesher 2007: 222–3)
However, critical as well as celebratory readings are possible with regard to this
New Mediatization. It could be argued that by gathering and posting such concert
footage clips, fans are presenting themselves as bearers of high levels of fan cultural
capital (broadly speaking, fan status that would be recognized as such by fellow fans).
Rather than simply witnessing and digitally mediating events such as this pop
concert, such uses of digital cameras and camera phones can be interpreted as
forming a further part of personal image-making. Posting this type of content reflects
on the user’s online identity and bears future imagined audiences’ approval in mind.
The rise in digital cultures of narcissism and ‘public privacy’, in Marshall’s
terms, has also meant that mechanisms for protecting the relative ‘privacy’ of data are
called for:
Users are generally happy for certain types of personal data to be published as
long as their privacy is protected – and it is seen to be protected. When the
Facebook social network redesigned its service so that it was easier to track
when other people had posted new journals or photos, users rebelled,
claiming that it made it too easy to indulge in stalker behaviour.
(Jennings 2007: 192)
Although nomadic communications and mobile image-captures may be
‘brought back’ to Facebook profiles, users seem to favour the notion that not each
and every of their online additions should be trackable, in general and in principle,
by a mass, unknown audience. Privacy levels can be modified by Facebook users, and
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
120 DIGITAL CULTURES
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 132
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.
JOBNAME: McGraw−creebermartin PAGE: 133 SESS: 17 OUTPUT: Fri Nov 7 08:51:33 2008 SUM: 40E0E09E
/production/mcgraw−hill/booksxml/creebermartin/creebermartin
restricted to ‘friends’, but the importance of the Profile photo is that this will show up
as visible to unknown others. As such, the cultural circulation of the Profile pic
cannot be hemmed in or dictated by the self, and it hence functions as the lingua
franca, or the perfectly exchangeable self-as-commodity, of Facebook.
The articulation of nomadic/mobile communications media with cultural con-
structions and expressions of self-identity has also been testified to in Ingrid
Richardson’s work on ‘pocket technospaces’. Richardson argues that mobile tel-
ephones have become powerful symbolic bearers of the self, especially by acting as
storage spaces for what is felt to be intensely personal data:
We both desire and know the impossibility of achieving a neat, compact, and
foldable being-in-the-world. Yet this ‘as-if’ sense of containment is a com-
mon experience of mobile phone users; interviewees in my study frequently
referred to their phones as microcosms of their lives, far exceeding the
containment capacities of wallets and handbags.
(Richardson 2007: 213)
iPods may also act in this way, of course, furnishing the user with an aesthetic
and informational sense of a ‘neat … compact’ being-in-the-world which folds
together considerable amounts of data, if not whole music collections and assorted
photos and videos (see Chapter 6). Perhaps the leading cultural impact and presence
of mobile digital media has, which I have suggested here, been their ability to become
‘microcosms’ of, and mirrors for, presentations of self-identity. Whether it is the
Facebook Profile picture, or captured images/footage of leisure events such as
high-profile rock concerts, or iPod music libraries, varieties of mobile digital media
have not simply acted as additions to prior cultural practices and discourses. Rather,
in a range of ways digital mobility appears to be presaging and supporting broader
shifts in cultural activity, partly away from the consumption of media representations
and partly towards the conceptualization of the self as a presentational image directed
at imagined others, as well as a symbolic entity ‘contained’ and carried in personal
digital devices.
www.kerrypress.co.uk - 01582 451331 - www.xpp-web-services.co.uk
McGraw Hill - 170mm x 240mm - Fonts: Stone Sans & Stone Serif
CASE STUDY: SOCIAL NETWORKING AND SELF-IDENTITY 121
Kerrypress Ltd – Typeset in XML A Division: creebermartin F Sequential 133
Creeber, Glen, and Royston Martin. Digital Culture, McGraw-Hill Education, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/usyd/detail.action?docID=420772.
Created from usyd on 2022-05-26 11:50:54.
Co
py
rig
ht
©
2
00
8.
M
cG
ra
w-
Hi
ll E
du
ca
tio
n.
A
ll r
ig
ht
s
re
se
rv
ed
.